Austin ordered several B-52 Stratofortress bomber aircraft, a squadron of fighter jets, tanker aircraft and Navy destroyers to deploy to the Middle East, said Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder, Pentagon press secretary, in a statement. He said they will begin arriving in the region in the coming months, as the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln begins to head home.

The military moves come as Israel’s wars with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon rage, including a retaliatory strike on Iran a week ago that likely damaged a base that builds ballistic missiles and launches rockets as part of Tehran’s space program.

The U.S. is pressing for cease-fires, while repeatedly saying it will defend Israel and continue to protect the American and allied presence in the region, including from Yemen-based Houthi attacks against ships in the Red Sea.

Austin's latest order, said Ryder, shows the “U.S. capability to deploy world-wide on short notice to meet evolving national security threats.” He said Austin “continues to make clear that should Iran, its partners, or its proxies use this moment to target American personnel or interests in the region, the United States will take every measure necessary to defend our people.”

The long-range nuclear-capable B-52 bomber has been repeatedly deployed to the Middle East in pointed warnings to Iran and it is the second time this month that strategic U.S. bombers will be used to bolster U.S. defenses in the region.

In October, B-2 stealth bombers were used to strike underground Houthi targets in Yemen.

Ryder did not provide the specific number of aircraft and ships that will move into the region. The shifts are likely to result in an overall decrease in the total number of U.S. troops in the Middle East, largely because an aircraft carrier contains as many as 5,000 sailors.

But the addition of bomber aircraft beefs up U.S. combat strength. There have been as many as 43,000 U.S. forces in the region recently.

According to U.S. officials, the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln and the three Navy destroyers in its strike group are scheduled to leave the Middle East by mid-month and return to their home port in San Diego.

When it departs, there will be no aircraft carrier in the Middle East for a period of time, officials said. They declined to say how long that gap would last.

Military commanders have long argued that the presence of an aircraft carrier strike group, with its array of fighters jets, surveillance aircraft and heavily armed warships, is a significant deterrent, including against Iran.

To make up for that gap, Austin is ordering the deployment of other Navy destroyers to the region. Those destroyers, which are capable of shooting down ballistic missiles, would come either from the Indo-Pacific region or Europe, the official said.

Eventually, it is expected that the aircraft carrier Harry S. Truman and its three warships will move to the Mediterranean Sea, but they won’t get there before the Lincoln departs. The Truman strike group has been in the North Sea, participating in a NATO military exercise.

The Lincoln and two of its destroyers are now in the Gulf of Oman, and its third destroyer is with two other warships in the Red Sea.

There are also two destroyers and the Marine amphibious ready group — which includes three ships — in the Mediterranean Sea.

Cmdr. Jeromy Pittmann, a 53-year-old civil engineer corps officer who deployed to Afghanistan in 2014 and 2015 with NATO Special Operations Command, accepted thousands of dollars for drafting, submitting and falsely verifying phony letters of recommendation for Afghan nationals pursuing a Special Immigrant Visa, according to the Justice Department.

Afghans who worked with U.S. troops and diplomats as translators are eligible for a limited number of Special Immigrant Visas from the State Department each year, allowing them to live in the U.S.

Pittmann personally signed off on more than 20 letters in which he vouched for Afghan national visa applicants, claiming they had served as interpreters for U.S. military and NATO troops, the release said. Additionally, Pittmann said these applicants were not a national security threat to the U.S., and that their lives were endangered by the Taliban.

Navy officer convicted in Afghan visa bribery scheme

But the Justice Department said Pittmann accepted thousands of dollars in bribes and had no basis for recommending the applicants.

Pittmann, who first appeared in a federal court in March 2022 on charges of accepting bribes and conspiring to commit visa fraud, coordinated with a co-conspirator in Kabul dating back to 2018, according to court documents. The two met during Pittmann’s deployment to Afghanistan in 2014 and 2015, the records indicated.

Pittmann received the money through a Bank of America account in Hayward, California, which then went to an account with USAA in Pensacola, Florida, disguised under a transaction called “family support,” according to court documents.

“I got it today. Thank you and thank your friend for sending it,” Pittmann said in an email after receiving a payment in 2018, according to court documents. “I just wish the money would keep coming. Ha. Maybe one day we will get a business started. It would be nice to pay off my debts.”

Pittmann commissioned in 2003 and is a civil engineer corps officer, according to service records obtained by Navy Times.

A federal jury convicted Pittmann in July of conspiracy to commit bribery, bribery, making a materially false writing, and conspiring to commit money laundering. He was facing up to 45 years behind bars prior to his sentencing Monday.

“By protecting Afghan nationals who risk their personal safety to help the U.S. government, the SIV program is essential for the security of U.S. military and diplomatic personnel in Afghanistan,” Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General Nicole Argentieri, head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, said in a statement.

“Jeromy Pittmann, however, used his position of authority over the program to benefit foreign nationals who paid him bribes, falsely asserting that they had served the United States,” Argentieri said. “Today’s sentence demonstrates that the Justice Department has zero tolerance for those who place their self-interest ahead of our national security.”

“The Department of the Army Criminal Investigation Division is aware of an alleged incident and is currently looking into it,” CID spokesman Mark Lunardi told Military Times in an email statement today. “No additional information is available at this time.”

The alleged incident, first reported by Military.com on Thursday, indicates that Army Gen. Michael “Erik” Kurilla, CENTCOM commander, shoved an airman during a C-17 Globemaster III flight. The alleged physical altercation occurred after Kurilla had a heated argument with the flight crew over problems accessing communications.

An NBC News article quoted unnamed defense officials who described the alleged incident, which occurred “several weeks ago.”

Senate confirms Kurilla as new CENTCOM commander

The general got frustrated with communication problems and left his seat to address the problems, according to NBC News.

After an airman asked Kurilla to sit down and buckle up for safety reasons, the general allegedly pushed the airman aside and lashed out in front of multiple witnesses.

When reached for comment Friday, a CENTCOM spokesperson told Military Times that they were not aware of the investigation nor the incident.

Kurilla has headed CENTCOM since April 2022. The position is a three-year term, which means he is likely to leave the post in April 2025.

He previously served as the commanding general for the 18th Airborne Corps. His prior commands also include the 75th Ranger Regiment and 82nd Airborne Division, according to his official biography.

Kurilla’s awards and decorations include the Combat Infantryman Badge with Star, Master Parachutist Badge with Combat Jump Device, Ranger Tab and the Purple Heart with Oak Leaf Cluster.

The free Wi-Fi initiative was announced in September as part of a broader DOD initiative to improve troops’ quality of life, with the department instructing services to begin testing out ways to implement it.

“One of the questions that I ask our soldiers, our airmen, our Marines, our guardians, whoever, in those barracks is, if you could have 10 more square feet in your barracks room or free Wi-Fi, what would it be?” Brendan Owens, assistant secretary of defense for energy, installations and environment, said in the release.

For service members, Owens said, the answer was easy: Wi-Fi.

But the need for internet went beyond the simple pleasures of accessing entertainment.

Owens had observed how internet services were already being utilized by enlisted service members living in unaccompanied housing, pointing to troops relying on internet to access mental health services and connect with families and friends while they’re in remote locations.

Top enlisted leader talks pay, priorities and 1980s fashion

However, not everyone had the ability to access these services, as military personnel, especially those that work in combat arms and equipment maintenance fields, aren’t equipped with a computer and Wi-Fi as part of their job, the release said.

That’s something that Owens and the Defense Department want to change.

“From my perspective, and I think that this is certainly something that’s supported down in other parts of the [Pentagon], certainly, [these are] mission essential requirements,” Owens said.

Wi-Fi will help service members access email, banking, entertainment, online training, telehealth appointments, Military OneSource and military and family life counselors, the release said.

“We got a lot more work to do on making sure that we are capable of providing the Wi-Fi services that are necessary to fully support what our service members need,” Owens said.

In a letter to VA Secretary Denis McDonough, House Veterans’ Affairs Chairman Mike Bost, R-Ill., and the House Appropriations Committee’s veterans panel Chairman John Carter, R-Texas, accused department leaders of “misinforming Congress” and “inciting a panic among veterans about their benefits being delayed or cut.” They said the misleading information undermines public faith in the institution.

In September, lawmakers approved a $3 billion stopgap spending bill for the VA after officials had warned that benefit checks could be delayed or halted on Oct. 1 — the start of the new fiscal year — if additional cash reserves were not made available to the department.

Weeks earlier, VA leaders — including McDonough — said the budget shortfall came as a result of record-high benefits approvals and medical services usage by veterans in the last fiscal year.

Congress moves to fix VA budget gap, but time is running out

They also warned that Congress needed to pass another $12 billion in funding to cover extra costs in fiscal 2025, an issue the two chambers were expected to bring up upon lawmakers’ return after the election.

But earlier this week, in an update provided to congressional leaders, VA officials said they carried over roughly $5 billion in unspent funds related to benefits accounts from last fiscal year to this fiscal year. Even without the cash infusion approved in September, the department would have held more than $2 billion in cash reserves.

Still, VA leaders said in a memo to lawmakers that the budget infusion was needed “because if we had even been $1 short, we could not certify our payment files and more than 7 million veterans and survivors would have had delays in their disability compensation, pension, and education benefits.”

In a statement Friday afternoon, VA press secretary Terrence Hayes echoed that message.

“Out of an abundance of caution last fiscal year, VA requested additional benefits funding ... Those veterans and survivors rely on those monthly payments, and any delay could have been devastating for them and their families – and that was not a risk that we were willing to take,” he said.

A VA spokesperson said that the funding was designed to avoid that kind of “worst-case scenario” and that VA carried over far less money this year than in previous years.

Still, Bost questioned whether the urgency emphasized by VA leaders in recent weeks was sincere.

“VA leaders repeatedly told us that benefits funding was on the verge of running out and veterans could be harmed,” he said in a statement separate from the letter. “But it turns out that was never true.”

In their update to Congress, VA leaders also said that department health care accounts are not draining as quickly as anticipated, although they anticipate still needing some extra funding to cover the additional workload on the system.

VA saw its highest level of health care appointments ever in fiscal 2024: about 127.5 million, up 6% over the previous fiscal year. More than 796,000 veterans have enrolled in VA health care over the last two years, up 37% over the previous two years.

But it is not clear if that influx of new patients will require the full $12 billion estimated by VA planners earlier this year.

Bost and Carter in their letter lamented the “erroneous” estimates given to lawmakers in recent months and promised a full investigation into the budgeting confusion.

Congress is expected to return to Washington later this month to finish up the current session, before newly elected members are seated in January. Unfinished work includes resolving the federal budget plan for the rest of fiscal 2025. Departments are currently operating under a short-term budget extension set to expire in December.

The claims, filed Wednesday, come more than a month after 13 former cadets filed similar federal complaints seeking $10 million apiece in damages.

How a Coast Guard email erupted into a reckoning of sexual assault

Many of the latest unnamed plaintiffs contacted lawyers in the case after reading news accounts of the initial batch of administrative complaints filed against the Coast Guard; its parent agency, the Department of Homeland Security; and its former parent agency, the Department of Transportation, attorney Christine Dunn said.

“I am certain that these 22 are just the tip of the iceberg. I know that sexual assault has been taking place for decades at the Coast Guard Academy and that there are many survivors out there,” she said. The 22 include 20 women and two men.

Dunn said she hopes and expects more former cadets who have been assaulted will come forward.

“I want a whole army of survivors,” she said. “I think that the more people you have, the harder it is to ignore us.”

The complaints stem from incidents dating back to the 1980s and as recent as 2017. Several detail how the former cadets were assaulted in their dorm rooms by classmates who were able to gain entry because academy policy prevented cadets from locking their doors. One former cadet described going to bed at night in a sleeping bag cinched tightly around her neck because she was so fearful of being sexually assaulted in her sleep.

“The Coast Guard negligently created, condoned, and actively concealed the rampant nature of sexual harassment and assault at the Academy, knowingly placing me and other cadets in danger,” wrote one of the nine new plaintiffs.

“What happened to me was the entirely preventable result of the negligent actions,” wrote the woman, who said she was sexually assaulted twice during her time at the academy — once by a classman and once by an officer. She was diagnosed years later with depression and PTSD related to Military Sexual Trauma, or MST, and now receives partial disability payments.

The experience at the academy, she said, “ruined” her career and “negatively impacted” many relationships she has had over the years.

A message was left seeking comment with the Coast Guard. In a statement released in September, officials said the service was barred by federal law from discussing the complaints and noted it is “devoting significant resources to improving prevention, victim support, and accountability. ”

The complaints follow revelations the Coast Guard kept secret a probe, called Operation Fouled Anchor, into sexual assault and harassment on campus. The investigation found that dozens of cases involving cadets from 1990 to 2006 had been mishandled by the school, including the prevention of some perpetrators from being prosecuted.

The revelations, first reported by CNN, sparked calls for major reforms and long-awaited accountability for offenders and those who protected them. There are multiple government and congressional investigations underway looking into the mishandling of serious misbehavior at the school and beyond.

Coast Guard officials have previously said they are taking action to change and improve the culture at the academy and in the service in response to the allegations raised in the Operation Fouled Anchor investigation.

Wednesday’s filing marks the first in a multistep process of attempting to sue the federal government. After an administrative complaint is submitted, the agency that allegedly harmed the plaintiff gets six months or longer to investigate the claim. The agency can then settle or deny the claim. If a claim is denied, the plaintiff can then file a federal lawsuit, Dunn said.

Here are several of the most competitive vet-versus-vet contests, and a closer look at the candidates involved:

Here are all the veterans running for Congress in 2024

Virginia 2nd House District

This southeast Virginia district — which includes Hampton Roads and a large number of military voters — has been represented by a series of veterans since 2010 and three different Navy veterans since 2016.

In 2022, Republican Rep. Jennifer Kiggans unseated former Democratic Rep. Elaine Luria in a contest that featured two former sailors. This year, Kiggans is facing Democrat Missy Cotter Smasal, another Navy veteran.

Cotter Smasal is a former Navy surface warfare officer. Kiggans is a retired Navy helicopter pilot who currently sits on the House Veterans’ Affairs and House Armed Services Committees.

The incumbent Kiggans has made her work on the veterans panel a key campaign talking point, promising better care and more accountability within the Department of Veterans Affairs. But Cotter Smasal has criticized Kiggans’ votes on limiting VA funding and restricting abortion access for military women.

The Cook Political Report rates the race as slightly favoring the Republican candidate.

Pennsylvania 17th House District

Democrats have occupied this western Pennsylvania seat since 2002, and will likely need to keep hold of it if they hope to take a majority in the chamber next year.

Rep. Chris Deluzio, a Naval Academy graduate, won the seat in 2022 by fewer than 7% of the total ballots cast and is facing a similarly tight election battle this year. His opponent, Republican Rob Mercuri, is a West Point graduate who has served in the Pennsylvania state legislature.

Both men deployed to Iraq during their military careers and have prominently featured their military service in their advertising campaigns.

Deluzio serves on the House Armed Services Committee and briefly sat on the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee. Mercuri has vowed to make reforming VA and strengthening national security key priorities if elected.

The Cook Political Report rates the race as slightly favoring the Democratic candidate.

Iowa 3rd House District

This central Iowa district has switched party control three times in the last 12 years. Republican Rep. Zach Nunn, an Air Force veteran, unseated the previous Democratic office holder in 2022. Now, Democrat Lanon Baccam, an Iowa National Guardsman, is hoping to flip it back.

Both Nunn and Baccam deployed to Afghanistan as part of their time in the military. Nunn still serves in the Iowa Air National Guard, and flew more than 700 combat hours during missions in the Middle East. Baccam served as a combat engineer, focusing on explosive demolitions.

Nunn served on the White House’s National Security Council prior to his time in Congress. Baccam worked in the Department of Agriculture, overseeing veterans programs there.

The Cook Political Report rates the race as a toss-up. All of Iowa’s four House seats and two Senate seats are currently held by Republicans, making the state a key battle point if GOP leaders hope to hold on to their House majority.

Virginia 7th House District

Of the 19 vet-versus-vet races this cycle, three are in Virginia, the most of any state. Virginia’s 7th House District, located just south of Washington, features a matchup between two challengers bidding to replace Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger, who is running for governor of the state.

The district was held by Republicans for 46 years before Spanberger’s victory in 2018. Now, Republican Derrick Anderson and Democrat Eugene Vindman — both Army veterans — are looking to fill the vacancy.

Vindman is a former White House National Security adviser and brother of Alexander Vindman, a witness in former President Donald Trump’s first impeachment trial. He deployed to Iraq during his military career but sparred with the Trump administration over his own role as a whistleblower in the impeachment.

Anderson deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan as a Green Beret. He served in the White House during the Trump administration in the Office of National Drug Control Policy.

The Cook Political Report rates the race as a toss-up.

Dixie Denise Villa was arrested July 20, 2019, in connection with the death of Abigail Lobisch, who was found dead on Feb. 24, 2019, at Villa’s house at Aliamanu Military Reservation in Hawaii.

Villa pleaded not guilty in August 2019.

The trial has been postponed at least 13 times, according to court documents.

“It has been a painful, long and exhausting wait,” Anna Lobisch, Abigail’s mother, told Military Times. “But we are ready to finally move forward and hopefully get justice for Abi.”

Abigail’s father, James Lobisch, is a member of the Army National Guard.

An overdose of antihistamine was the cause of Abigail Lobisch’s death, according to court documents.

According to an arrest warrant affidavit, the medical examiner’s report determined that the baby’s blood tested positive for diphenhydramine, the active ingredient in Benadryl and other similar medications, at a level of 2,400 nanograms per milliliter. That’s nearly twice the 1,400 nanograms per milliliter concentration that is the average reported in infant fatal overdoses, according to the affidavit.

In September 2019, in the wake of the baby’s death, the Defense Department’s personnel chief called for officials to investigate reports of unauthorized daycare operations on installations. James Stewart, then-acting under secretary of defense for personnel and readiness, said officials should take appropriate steps to shut down these unauthorized operations.

To operate a family day care home on a military installation, providers must be authorized and go through a process of vetting and training and meet requirements related to safety inspections, curriculum, nutrition and a variety of other regulations.

Because of Abigail Lobisch’s death, Army Hawaii launched an investigation into unauthorized child care on its bases. Investigators found a disjointed system of different agencies’ response to the reports of alleged violations and a lack of clear procedures for dealing with the violations, according to an investigation report obtained by Military Times through a Freedom of Information Act request.

A number of factors contributed to the prevalence of unauthorized child care providers, the report said, including the lack of available child care. More than 500 Army children were on wait lists for child care in Hawaii in 2018.

A friend of the family has started a GoFundMe to help Anna pay for expenses through the trial.

America’s election infrastructure is safe and secure, and voters should feel confident in the process, said Suzanne Spaulding, a former undersecretary for the Department of Homeland Security who now works with the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

However, some foreign actors are trying to persuade voters to view the process as too corrupt to participate in, and these same actors will likely try to convince Americans after Election Day that the results were illegitimate, she said.

“In 2016, our assessment was that it would be extremely hard, virtually impossible, for an adversary to change votes or tallies in order to change the outcome of a national election,” said Spaulding, who was working with DHS that year. “I think that is only more true today. We’ve gotten better at shoring up the cybersecurity of election infrastructure.”

Spaulding spoke Thursday on a panel hosted by the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a research group focusing on foreign policy and national security. Earlier this month, the group flagged an Iranian-linked website that was attempting to stir up antidemocratic sentiments among veteran voters.

Iran-linked website targets vets with disinformation, think tank warns

Disinformation experts have been warning for months that malign actors, both foreign and domestic, would attempt to weaken the democratic process this election year. Spaulding and other experts who spoke Thursday said the efforts would likely result in some voters not believing the outcome of the election next week.

“The elections are going to be secure, but we are going to have a meltdown on Nov. 7 or 8 — no matter what happens — because of people’s perceptions of what happened,” said Mark Montgomery, who works with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

Russia, China and Iran are targeting Americans in order to paint a negative picture of democracy and eventually sideline the U.S. military, added Bradley Bowman, an Army veteran who focuses on U.S. defense policy for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

Part of their strategy is to encourage isolationist beliefs among the U.S. population and encourage citizens to oppose intervention in overseas conflicts, he said.

“They want us so weak, divided and distracted that we question ourselves and don’t have the time or the will to go and defend our interests abroad,” Bowman said. “Divide us at home, degrade our democracy in our own minds and the minds of others, and then deceive us into believing falsely we have no core interests to defend in places like Taiwan, Ukraine, Israel. Then, they don’t need to worry about our military.”

In order to combat the foreign influence campaigns, Montgomery suggested Congress provide more funding to the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, a component of DHS that works to protect the country from cyber threats, as well as the State Department’s Global Engagement Center, which exposes and defends against foreign propaganda and disinformation.

Government leaders should also pay more attention to information from the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, he said.

Spaulding said the U.S. population should work to become more resilient against disinformation, in part by improving civics education in American schools. Kids should learn the fundamentals of American democracy and the role individuals play to preserve it, she said.

“The target is every single American. Americans should not take that lightly,” Spaulding said. “They should be demanding [that] policymakers ... have a vigorous response to counter this activity.”

This story was produced in partnership with Military Veterans in Journalism. Please send tips to MVJ-Tips@militarytimes.com.

Then-Sgt. Maj. Charlie Clawson was charged and sentenced for wearing nine unauthorized decorations, ribbons, devices or insignia between January 2019 and October 2023, according to charge sheets obtained by Marine Corps Times.

Included in the awards and decorations Clawson deceptively sported on his uniform were the Purple Heart, awarded to those killed or wounded during military service; the Combat Action Ribbon, distributed to sailors or Marines who actively participated in ground or surface combat; and the Joint Meritorious Unit Award, authorized for those who contributed to meritorious achievement for joint activities, the charge sheets said.

Marine veteran charged in subway chokehold death set to stand trial

Clawson also wore the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Service Medal, the Kosovo Campaign Medal, the Global War on Terrorism Expeditionary Medal, the Sea Service Deployment Ribbon (with a silver and bronze device to denote seven awards), the Navy and Marine Corps Overseas Service Ribbon, and the Navy and Marine Corps Parachutist Insignia, the charge sheets said.

For each of these awards, Clawson also faced a charge for violating Article 134 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice, a general article that covers misconduct, such as indecent acts, fraternization and bigamy.

Likewise, Clawson was also charged with making a false official statement after reportedly sharing a bogus doctoral degree and transcript from Liberty University with Marine Corps Manpower and Reserve Affairs in May 2019.

The statement was “totally false, and was then known by the said Sergeant Major Clawson to be so false,” the charge sheet said.

Maj. Hector Infante, a spokesman with Marine Corps Training and Education Command at Quantico, confirmed to Marine Corps Times that a court-martial sentenced Clawson on Sept. 13 on all charges brought against him.

Military.com first reported Clawson’s reduction in rank.

Clawson, from Virginia, first enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1996 and went on to serve as a motor vehicle operator in the service, according to his service records.

The service records show Clawson is assigned to the Headquarters Battalion at Training and Education Command in Quantico. Infante confirmed to Marine Corps Times he is currently administratively assigned to the command.

Among the awards and decorations Clawson did receive are one Global War on Terrorism Service Medal, distributed to personnel who supported counterterrorism operations post 9/11; and two Sea Service Deployment Ribbons, authorized for sailors and Marines who conducted an at-sea deployment.

Col. Charles “Tre” Del Pizzo, 49, confirmed to Marine Corps Times he was the pilot who ejected from the F-35B over Charleston, South Carolina, on Sept. 17, 2023, and parachuted into a resident’s backyard. And in a written statement, Del Pizzo said Commandant of the Marine Corps Gen. Eric Smith ordered him to be fired from command of Marine Test and Evaluation Squadron 1 after reviewing the report on the crash investigation.

The investigation report, which the Marine Corps released Thursday, found Del Pizzo’s F-35B malfunctioned and its primary displays and communications cut out as Del Pizzo was attempting to land through rain at Joint Base Charleston, South Carolina. However, the report said its standby flight display and backup communication system “remained basically functional.”

Despite the investigation finding Del Pizzo followed the proper procedures and was not derelict in his duties, investigators concluded Del Pizzo could have continued flying the jet and his decision to eject was a mistake.

The investigation concluded that the mishap resulted from pilot error, and said Del Pizzo “incorrectly diagnosed an [out-of-controlled flight] emergency and ejected from a flyable aircraft — albeit under extremely challenging cognitive and flight conditions,” the report said.

The report said Del Pizzo followed the F-35B manual’s recommendations for ejecting from an out-of-control jet but also criticized the manual’s definition of out-of-control as too broad.

Investigators cleared Del Pizzo and all others involved of dereliction of duty. Del Pizzo was qualified and prepared for the flight, the report said, and carried it out by the book. The electrical malfunction was also not caused by lax maintenance, the report said.

Del Pizzo assumed command of the Yuma, Arizona-based squadron, also known as VMX-1, on June 21 — months after the report was completed in January.

On Oct. 2, a little more than three months later, Lt. Gen. Bradford Gering, deputy commandant for aviation, relieved Del Pizzo of command of VMX-1 “for loss of trust and confidence in his ability to execute the responsibilities of his command,” the Marine Corps said. Col. John Dirk took over the squadron that same day, the Marine Corps said.

“As a commander you serve at the pleasure of the commandant,” Del Pizzo said. “It was an absolute privilege to have the opportunity to lead the Marines, sailors and civilians of VMX-1.”

The Marine Corps sent a statement to Marine Corps Times Thursday evening confirming Smith made the decision to remove Del Pizzo from command of VMX-1.

“The commandant of the Marine Corps continually assesses matters associated with commanders and their units,” Marine Corps spokesman Lt. Col. Joshua Benson said. “Following his detailed review [in September] of the command investigation into the 17 September 2023 F-35 mishap, he made the decision to relieve the commanding officer of [VMX-1], due to the unique mission of VMX-1.”

VMX-1 is in charge of assessing the Corps’ aircraft and helping develop and refine tactics, techniques and procedures to fly them in combat successfully. The squadron’s aircraft include the F-35B, MV-22 Osprey and CH-53E Super Stallion helicopter. It is a highly desired leadership role in Marine Corps aviation, and some former VMX-1 commanders have gone on to become general officers and assume senior leadership roles in the Corps.

Del Pizzo pointed to the mishap investigation’s conclusion that he conducted the flight using the proper procedures and was not derelict in his duty. He also said a Field Flight Performance Board was convened to review the incident and concluded his decision to eject was justified.

Del Pizzo said he was restored to full flight status in June “after complying with all board recommendations.”

But Del Pizzo’s split-second decision to eject from the F-35 has now cast a shadow over his accomplished career, and left his future uncertain.

Del Pizzo said he has been offered his choice of follow-on assignments, and he and his family are now considering his next steps.

“We are deeply thankful for the support of our friends and family as we adjust to this unexpected change in assignment,” he said.

From Parris Island, to fighting ISIS, to VMX-1

Del Pizzo started as an enlisted Marine, graduating from boot camp at Parris Island in 1993 and serving in the reserves for 3 1/2 years while attending college. He earned his commission as an officer in 1997 after graduating from Auburn University and attending the Platoon Leaders Course program and in 1999 became a naval aviator.

Over the next 25 years, Del Pizzo became an experienced combat pilot with more than 2,800 hours in the cockpit, 32 hours of which were in the F-35B. He has deployed six times over his career, including deployments to support the Iraq and Afghanistan wars and Operation Inherent Resolve against the Islamic State.

His career included a stint commanding Marine Attack Squadron 231, also known as VMA-231 or the “Ace of Spades,” from 2015 to 2017. During that time, Del Pizzo took VMA-231′s AV-8B Harrier attack jets into battle against ISIS as part of Operation Inherent Resolve, including the effort to oust ISIS from the key Iraqi city of Mosul.

Del Pizzo also served as the Marine Corps service deputy at the F-35 Joint Program Office and the tactical air branch head at Marine Corps Aviation.

In August 2022, the Marine Corps announced Del Pizzo had been selected for his most prestigious assignment yet: command of VMX-1.

On Sept. 17, 2023, Del Pizzo climbed into the cockpit of an F-35B from Marine Fighter Attack Training Squadron 501 to practice basic fighter maneuvering, alongside a wingman.

His flight, dubbed “Swede 11,” took off at about 12:45 p.m. and carried out an “uneventful” training flight through heavy rain and mist, the report said. At about 1:25 p.m., the report said, Del Pizzo turned back toward the Charleston base.

Air traffic control appeared to be trying to direct Del Pizzo and his wingman around the heaviest weather, the report said. Del Pizzo began using his jet’s instruments to guide his landing through the rain and lowered his landing gear.

While lining up his final approach, Del Pizzo decided to switch to the F-35B’s short-take off and vertical landing, or STOVL, mode and carry out a slow landing. He radioed that instruction to his wingman — but that was the last radio call the wingman heard from him.

Shortly after converting to STOVL mode, Del Pizzo’s helmet-mounted display started flickering out and back in, the report said. Del Pizzo told investigators that each time his helmet-mounted display went out, his panoramic cockpit display was also not working.

He decided to carry out a missed approach procedure and began to climb out and accelerate, the report said, but then realized he had also lost communication with the tower and his wingman.

Del Pizzo’s helmet-mounted display came back online, he told investigators, but multiple warning signs flashed and blared. He felt like the jet was not converting back to conventional flight as intended, the report said, and the helmet display again blinked out.

Del Pizzo had at that point lost his helmet display and panoramic display three times, the report said, and he wasn’t sure what instruments he could trust. He felt the aircraft was out of control, and decided to eject at an altitude of about 1,900 feet at 1:32 p.m.

The report notes that the F-35B’s flight manual says that an aircraft is considered out of control if it is not responding properly to the pilot’s inputs, and a pilot should eject from such an aircraft if it is below 6,000 feet.

The report said that given the manual’s definition of an out-of-control flight, Del Pizzo “applied an appropriate emergency procedure in response to a perceived loss of aircraft control below 6,000 feet.”

But the report immediately criticized the manual’s definition.

“The F-35B flight manual definition for [out-of-control flight] is too broad and contributed to this mishap,” the report said.

Del Pizzo’s “decision to eject was ultimately inappropriate, because commanded flight inputs were in-progress at the time of ejection, standby flight instrumentation was providing accurate data, and the [jet’s] backup radio was, at least partially, functional. Furthermore, the aircraft continued to fly for an extended period after ejection.”

‘I just rode a parachute down to the ground’

Del Pizzo’s helmet and mask were “ripped off” as he ejected, the report said. As he descended through the clouds, he realized he was over a residential area and became concerned about nearby power lines. He released his seat pan and raft to avoid getting tangled in the lines and steered into a safe area.

Del Pizzo had parachuted into a North Charleston resident’s backyard, told the homeowner he was a military pilot and asked the resident to call 911.

In audio of the call, obtained by The Associated Press, the homeowner explains that an ejected pilot parachuted into his backyard, and the 911 dispatcher responds, “I’m sorry, what happened?”

Del Pizzo can be heard in the background, reporting some minor pain in his back, before taking the phone and repeatedly requesting an ambulance. The homeowner said he had no apparent bleeding aside from a few scratches.

“We had a military jet crash. I’m the pilot,” Del Pizzo told the dispatcher. “We need to get a rescue rolling. I’m not sure where the airplane is. It would have crash landed somewhere. I ejected.”

Del Pizzo told the dispatcher he was 2,000 feet in the air when he ejected, and that “an aircraft failure” had occurred. Apparently believing the dispatcher had not yet sent an ambulance, Del Pizzo sighed and his voice took on a sharper tone.

“Ma’am, I’m a pilot in a military aircraft, and I ejected,” he said. “So I just rode a parachute down to the ground. Can you please send an ambulance?”

Del Pizzo was taken to a nearby hospital, treated and released the next morning. But the F-35 was missing, and its location would remain a mystery for more than a day.

The military, law enforcement, Civil Air Patrol and the Federal Aviation Administration focused the search in the area north of Charleston. Joint Base Charleston even asked the public for tips on possible locations for the jet.

Headlines about the military’s missing stealth fighter rapidly spread around the world — as did jokes, breathless speculation and memes on social media.

Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., whose district includes the area north of Charleston, posted her exasperation online that night, hours after the plane went missing.

“How in the hell do you lose an F-35?” Mace posted on X, formerly known as Twitter. “How is there not a tracking device and we’re asking the public to what, find a jet and turn it in?”

The investigation report said the F-35′s transponder failed as a result of the electrical malfunction, and the jet had crossed below air traffic control’s radar horizon.

The military announced the evening of Sept. 18, 2023, a day after the crash, that the crash site of the F-35 had been found in rural Williamsburg County, about two hours northeast of Joint Base Charleston. The jet had flown for 11 minutes and 21 seconds after Del Pizzo’s ejection, slowly climbing as high as 9,300 feet.

After about 11 minutes, the report said, the jet banked down and started descending to its right, clipping the treetops of a forest along the way before crashing. The report said no one was injured by the crash, but it did damage several trees and crops. The $100 million jet was shredded into pieces and a total loss.

The incident — and the attention it drew — rang alarm bells throughout Marine Corps aviation. It was the Marines’ third aviation crash in six weeks, following the August crash of an F/A-18D Hornet in southern California, which killed its pilot, and an MV-22 Osprey crash in Australia that killed three Marines.

As the search for the jet continued, the Marine Corps put all its aviation operations on hold for a two-day safety stand down. The announcement cited the three recent Class A mishaps, and said aviation commanders would hold discussions with their Marines on the fundamentals of safe flight operations, ground safety, maintenance and flight procedures and how to maintain combat readiness.

Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include a comment from the Marine Corps regarding the commandant’s decision to relieve Del Pizzo of command.

Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, officials issued a brief statement today that Spc. Wooster Rancy is being held in pretrial confinement as he awaits a preliminary hearing on charges of murder and obstruction of justice, Uniform Code of Military Justice Article 118 and 131b.

The statement did not specify the hearing date.

Roque did not show up for morning formation on Oct. 21. That same day, military police issued a missing person alert for the 23-year-old.

Investigators discovered Roque’s body that night in a dumpster next to on-base housing.

“Sgt. Roque was a daughter, sister, friend and soldier who chose to serve our country bravely and honorably,” said Maj. Gen. Christopher Beck, head of both the Maneuver Support Center of Excellence and Fort Leonard Wood. “Her passing has caused a tremendous void throughout our team, and while there are no words to ease the pain, we continue to provide care, resources and support to those who are affected during this difficult time.”

Officials announced on Oct. 23 that they had arrested a suspect in Roque’s death.

The release with Rancy’s information states that he faces charges for the “murder of Sergeant Sarah Roque on Oct. 20,” indicating that Roque died before the Oct. 21 formation.

The Army’s Criminal Investigation Division is continuing its investigation as the service’s Office of Special Trial Counsel handles aspects of the charges with military courts.

Roque enlisted in the Army in 2020 out of Ligonier, Indiana, and graduated basic training from Fort Leonard Wood. She served as a bridge crew member and mine dog handler with the 5th Engineer Battalion’s K9 Detachment.

Her awards and decorations include the Army Commendation Medal, National Defense Service Medal, Good Conduct Medal and the Army Service Ribbon.

Rancy enlisted in the Army in 2022 and graduated basic at Fort Leonard Wood. He had been serving as a combat engineer with the 509th Clearance Company, 5th Engineer Battalion.

Tricare dental premiums will decrease slightly for the next four months, bringing modest savings for military families at a time when some are feeling the squeeze of rising consumer costs.

The new monthly premiums, effective Nov. 1 to Feb. 28, 2025, vary based on the sponsor’s status and the enrollment type, with reductions ranging from $0.26 to $3 a month.

Active duty family members, National Guard and Reserve members and their family members are eligible for the Tricare Dental Program, a voluntary plan separate from Tricare medical coverage. The program is administered by United Concordia.

At the time of this article’s original publication Thursday, information was not immediately available from Defense Health Agency officials about what would happen to rates after Feb. 28.

On Friday, Defense Health Agency spokesman Brenda Campbell told Military Times that a new Tricare Dental Program contract begins March 1. The premium rates under the new contract will be posted soon after the beginning of 2025. Starting March 1, rates will change on that date each year and be effective until the last day of February the following year.

The current dental plan premium rates have been in effect since May 1, 2023.

Tricare Dental Program rates “change periodically,” said Douglas Elsesser, a program analyst with the Dental Program Section of Tricare at the Defense Health Agency, in a DHA announcement of the rate decreases. “This helps premiums stay current with the market while maintaining affordable coverage for you and your family.”

Military families pay the premiums monthly for the next month’s coverage. In addition to the premiums, there are cost-shares for certain dental services, which have remained the same.

Tricare dental premium rates effective Nov. 1 through Feb. 28, 2025:

Active duty:

• Sponsor only: Not applicable, as dental benefits are provided through Active Duty Dental Program
• One family member: $12.10; decrease of $0.26 from $12.36
• More than one family member: $31.46; decrease of $0.67 from $32.13

Selected Reserve and Individual Ready Reserve (mobilization)

• Sponsor only: $12.10; decrease of $0.26 from $12.36
• Single (one family member, doesn’t include sponsor): $30.25; decrease of $0.64 from $30.89, according to the Tricare website
• Family (more than one family member, doesn’t include sponsor): $78.64; decrease of $1.69 from $80.33
• Sponsor and family: $90.74; decrease of $1.95 from $92.69

Individual Ready Reserve (non-mobilization)

• Sponsor only: $30.25; decrease of $0.64 from $30.89
• Single: $30.25; decrease of $0.64 from $30.89
• Family: $78.64; decrease of $2.19 from $80.83
• Sponsor and family: $108.89; decrease of $3 from $111.89

As a component of the review, the Pentagon is considering adjusting the way Hostile Fire and Imminent Danger pay is allocated across the armed forces.

This review raises the more fundamental issue of whether military personnel are being adequately compensated for the fatality risk they assume in combat zones. If not, how should the Pentagon adjust compensation to more accurately reflect these risks?

The current policy provides a uniform danger pay premium of $225 per month to military personnel deployed into areas designated as a combat zone. This rate has been the same since 2003 because it is not indexed to inflation.

In addition to danger pay, soldiers are entitled to a special tax benefit known as the Combat Zone Tax Exclusion, or CZTE. This benefit exempts military personnel from paying income tax on any income earned while in a combat zone.

Notably, previous research has shown the CZTE costs the U.S. government approximately 4.5 times more than regular danger pay. Because the current danger pay system is tied more to the person’s income than the level of risk exposure, the major beneficiaries of the current system are high-ranking officers, who reap the preponderance of the tax benefits.

But high-ranking officers do not bear a disproportionate share of risk. The data indicates enlisted personnel have higher fatality rates in comparison to officers.

For reference, throughout the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq from 2001 to 2021, enlisted personnel, who represent 82% of the total active duty force, accounted for 90% of all fatalities.

And the distribution of fatalities becomes even more skewed at the lower ranks. For example, the ranks of E-5 — equivalent to sergeant — and below account for 72% of the fatalities while representing 59% of the total force.

The main takeaway from the data is that fatality risks are much higher for junior personnel compared to high-ranking officers, who secure the lion’s share of financial benefits under current compensation policy.

This is in direct contrast to guidance provided in the economics literature and government practices, which indicate that valuations should be based on the level of the risk, not the person’s income.

There are also widespread differences in fatality risks across job types. Previous research has shown the average fatality rate for all military personnel increases by 45 per 100,000 when they are deployed into combat zones in comparison to stateside personnel. For reference, the yearly fatality rate for typical workers in the U.S. is around 3 per 100,000.

This number increases dramatically, however, for certain high-risk jobs, such as infantry and special forces operators — commonly grouped together and known as “combat” job specialties. Compared to stateside troops, military personnel in combat jobs increase their fatality rate by 181 per 100,000 when deployed into combat zones.

Most troops, therefore, see an increase in a probability of death, though there are major differences depending upon military occupational specialties.

These distinctly different outcomes should prompt us to compensate military personnel accordingly. Calculating the appropriate compensation levels can be addressed by utilizing estimates from the value of a statistical life, or VSL, literature.

The basic concept of the VSL is grounded in the idea that individuals often make every day tradeoffs between wealth or income and fatality risks. For example, people are generally willing to pay more for safer vehicles or higher quality medical care. Likewise, workers often demand higher salaries in riskier professions, ceteris paribus.

The most up-to-date estimates indicate an average American is willing to pay roughly $130 for every 1 per 100,000 reductions in fatality risk. Dividing the willingness-to-pay estimate by the reduction in fatality risk leads to an approximate value of $13 million per statistical life. This is the value that economists use in benefit-cost analyses for government programs intended to save lives or compensate fatality risk levels.

In the case of military personnel, analysts can combine the increased fatality risk levels for deployment into combat zones with standard VSL estimates to more precisely set appropriate danger pay rates.

Using this method, the most recent estimates suggest the average military danger pay should be $1,056 per month (in 2024 dollars). For combat job types with higher fatality risk, this amount balloons to $4,245 per month.

We have several policy recommendations for more accurately adjusting the current danger pay system. First, we should eliminate the CZTE and reallocate those cost savings to alternative pay methods. The primary reason is that the CZTE is not directly related to fatality risk, but rather correlates with higher ranks or income for military personnel.

Next, we recommend reallocating CZTE funds to increase the current danger pay of $225 per month to $1,056 per month for all military personnel. This amount should be tax exempt and indexed to inflation.

Finally, we recommend providing a new “extreme” danger pay category to military personnel who serve in high-risk occupations. The extreme danger pay category should be allocated primarily to infantry soldiers and special forces operators and set at $4,245 per month.

We realize these recommendations and adjustments to danger pay do not come without tradeoffs. The reallocation of funds would mean high-ranking officers in lower risk job types would essentially be taking a pay cut when compared to the current compensation system.

In contrast, low-ranking enlisted personnel in high-risk job types would receive a pay increase. We believe this adjustment is justified based upon the fatality risks seen in the most recent conflicts and the types of personnel taking on those risks.

Given new pay directives in the QRMC are set to be released early next year, the time to act is now.

The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense, the U.S. government or any other institution with which the authors are affiliated.

Thomas J. Kniesner received a PhD degree in economics from The Ohio State University. He is a research fellow at IZA and Krisher Professor of Economics Emeritus at Syracuse University, where he served as chair of the Department of Economics. In 2013 Kniesner joined the faculty of Claremont Graduate University, where he has been university professor, senior research fellow, and chair of the Department of Economic Sciences.

Ryan Sullivan received a PhD in Economics from Syracuse University. He is an associate professor at the Naval Postgraduate School, where he has taught a variety of topics related to cost-benefit and cost-effectiveness analysis, marginal reasoning, budgeting, finance, and labor economics. He served as a soldier in the U.S. Army National Guard from 1998 to 2006.

W. Kip Viscusi is Vanderbilt’s first university distinguished professor, with tenured appointments in the Department of Economics, the Owen Graduate School of Management and the Law School. Viscusi was previously the Cogan Professor of Law and Economics and director of the Program on Empirical Studies at Harvard Law School. He has also been the Allen Professor of Economics at Duke University and professor of economics at Northwestern University.

The program, launched in 2022, has seen 6,000 service members enlist who were previously disqualified for medical conditions, officials said. At that time, the list included 38 conditions. That number has since risen to 51.

The move could help the military services build upon their recent success in meeting recruiting and retention goals. This past fiscal year, which ended in September, marked the first time in at least two years that all the services met their recruiting marks, Military Times previously reported.

How addressing waivers and eligibility can fix the recruiting crisis

But the branches remain far from seeing pre-COVID 19 levels of recruitment, which still saw declining trends from previous years.

While the pilot program hasn’t entirely eliminated all those conditions as disqualifying factors, the Defense Department has reduced restrictions for select conditions such as attention deficient hyperactivity disorder, or ADHD, Lin St. Clair, deputy director of the Pentagon’s accession policy directorate, told Stars and Stripes Wednesday.

ADHD diagnoses make up more than half of the conditions of enlistees in the pilot program, officials said.

Defense Department staff at military entrance processing stations completed 312,000 medical exams over the previous fiscal year. Medical professionals disqualified more than one-third of applicants during their initial exam, St. Clair said.

But that figure fell to about one in five after service medical waivers were applied.

Some of the listed conditions could be overcome with a medical waiver, but the pilot program removes this necessity, which eases the enlistment process.

The program provides guidelines noting when a potential recruit last received treatment or experienced symptoms of their medical condition. Regarding ADHD, those guidelines move treatment time wait periods from three years to one, allowing recent high school graduates with the condition, for example, to enlist in a year rather than waiting the previously required three.

“High school students who have some type of learning accommodation, an individual education program or are on medication — once you graduate high school, you don’t need that anymore,” St. Clair said. “By lowering it to a year, that’s allowed [the military] to pick up a whole bunch of folks.”

The second most common disqualifying condition, meanwhile, is childhood asthma.

Slightly more than one in 10 pilot program enlistees have the condition. Now, individuals who haven’t used an inhaler in the past four years will not need a medical waiver.

Dan Osborn, an independent candidate for one of Nebraska’s Senate seats, has been tied or leading incumbent Republican Sen. Deb Fischer in multiple recent polls. If he manages to win the closely contested race, the result could shake up the balance of power in the chamber, and establish a template for independent candidates to find success in future races.

Osborn served four years in the Navy including a tour aboard the aircraft carrier Constellation. After leaving active duty, he has served with both the Tennessee National Guard and Nebraska Army National Guard.

Here are all the veterans running for Congress in 2024

He announced his candidacy in September 2023 to little fanfare and has pledged not to caucus with either the Republicans or Democrats if he is elected, solidifying his independent message. The union leader has worked as an industrial mechanic and leaned heavily on his outsider status during his campaign.

“Less than 2% of our elected officials in the House and Senate come from the working class,” he said during a recent interview on the Independent Americans podcast about his run for office. “We’re just simply not represented. And that’s why the independent piece of the race is so important to me.

“I’m not going to be beholden to a party boss or a corporation. I’m going to be beholden to the people who elected me.”

Fischer is a two-term senator who sits on the chamber’s Armed Services Committee and has made her role in national military and veterans policy a selling point in the campaign.

But Osborn has attacked her record on those issues, including her opposition to the PACT Act in 2022. He has promised to boost troops’ pay and back more job training programs for veterans if elected.

Osborn earned the endorsement of Independent Veterans of America earlier this summer. He said his time in the service helped shape his world view and has given him a better approach to public service.

“It instills a discipline in you that never goes away,” he said on the podcast. “That has helped shape my work ethic. I have a certain level of focus that I don’t believe I would have had otherwise.”

There are no current independent House members. The Senate currently has four independent members, but only two — Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont — were elected as independents. West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin and Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema both ran for office as Democrats and later switched their party affiliation.

Both Manchin and Sinema will leave the chamber at the end of this session. If Osborn upsets Fischer, he would become a key swing vote on a host of contentious Senate issues and could demand special attention from both sets of party leaders in need of an extra vote to advance their agendas.

The study, published Tuesday, was conducted by the university’s Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement, which consulted with the nonprofit We the Veterans. The nonpartisan group has spent the year recruiting veterans and military family members to serve as election workers, believing they were the key to quashing skepticism and restoring confidence during a time when disinformation is eroding trust in U.S. elections.

The study proves that idea, said Ben Keiser, co-founder of We the Veterans.

“This study confirms our hypothesis that veterans and military families — who have already demonstrated their unwavering commitment to our country — serving as poll workers help to strengthen public confidence in elections,” Keiser said.

The study involved 1,263 people across the country who were representative of the adult population in the United States. That population was split into two groups, with each receiving a written story, modeled off of news articles, about recruitment efforts of elections workers in Maricopa County, Arizona.

One story said elections officials were recruiting veterans and military family members, while the other story said officials were looking for volunteers from the local community, without reference to any specific demographics.

After reading the vignettes, the groups were asked questions about whether the voting process would be fair, safe and accurate.

Vet the Vote recruits nearly 160,000 veterans as election workers

Those participants who read the story about veterans and military family members being recruited to work the polls were 7% more likely than those who read the other story to express confidence that their votes would be counted accurately. Among those who said they questioned the legitimacy of President Joe Biden’s election in 2020, confidence rose by 15% after reading about the recruitment efforts.

The group that read the story about veterans and military family members were 9% more likely to say the elections workforce would be committed to their jobs and 7% more likely to say that the voting process in Maricopa County would be fair and safe.

That group was also 8% less likely to be worried about potential violence, threats and intimidation at the polls, and 5% less likely to be concerned about voter fraud.

“The findings of this study are timely and crucial for the 2024 elections,” said Michael Hanmer, director of the Center for Democracy and Civic Engagement. “That sizable portions of the public lack confidence in our elections is a serious problem. Our study provides powerful evidence that recruiting veterans and military family members to work at polling places not only strengthens public trust in the process but also addresses concerns about potential threats to election security and violence at the polls.”

The findings led the University of Maryland to recommend that election officials create their own programs to recruit veterans and military family members to work the polls and make it known to the public when people from those communities are working in their precincts.

We the Veterans estimates that one out of every five election workers in November will be a veteran or a military family member. Through its Vet the Vote campaign, the group recruited more than 163,000 volunteers across the country.

Between 800,000 and 1 million temporary workers will staff polling locations across the country next week, said Thomas Hicks, chairman of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission. Those workers welcome and check in voters, issue ballots and explain how to use voting equipment.

“It is likely that our elections workforce is already populated with significant numbers of veterans and military family members. Where this is the case, our results suggest that publicizing this information can help increase confidence in elections,” the study reads.

This story was produced in partnership with Military Veterans in Journalism. Please send tips to MVJ-Tips@militarytimes.com.

In the last month, North Korea has sent 10,000 soldiers to eastern Russia, where they began training across three military sites. Around 2,000 of these troops have since moved west, with some receiving Russian uniforms and equipment. A smaller group has already entered the region of Kursk, where Ukrainian forces seized land earlier this fall.

“There’s a good likelihood that these groups will be introduced into combat,” Austin said Wednesday, speaking alongside South Korea’s defense minister, Kim Yong-hyun, who was visiting Washington.

Since publicly confirming last week that North Korea had sent forces into Russia, the Pentagon has warned Pyongyang against joining the nearly three-year war. After decades of chilly relations — including years of Russia trying to limit North Korea’s nuclear program — the two countries have warmed to each other following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

North Korea has helped supply Russia’s military with munitions and other military equipment during the war, and their two leaders have held multiple in-person summits. American officials have grown concerned about what Pyongyang is receiving in return.

That barter likely includes Russia transferring advanced technology on tactical nuclear weapons, reconnaissance satellites, intercontinental ballistic missiles and nuclear submarines, said Kim, the South Korean defense minister.

“There’s also a high chance that they will try to replace their equipment” that may have grown obsolete, Kim said.

The U.S. does not have direct relations with North Korea and already has a raft of sanctions imposed on the country. Austin said the administration is working with allies on how to respond to the deployment, though he wouldn’t specify how.

“It does have the potential of lengthening the conflict or broadening the conflict if that continues,” Austin said of these troops fighting alongside Russia. If they do, he said, they would be fair targets for Ukrainian soldiers, including with American-provided weapons.

Pentagon and White House officials have argued that the deployment is a sign of “desperation” from Russia, which is suffering immense and accelerating casualties in Ukraine’s east — more than 1,000 per day with more than 600,000 during the whole war.

Austin went further Wednesday, saying the Kremlin is now asking Pyongyang for manpower to avoid another draft. Russia has been able to replace much of its losses through recruitment drives, offering higher pay and pensions, but a mobilization could be politically unpopular.

Russian President Vladimir Putin “doesn’t want to mobilize, because then the people in Russia will begin to understand the extent of his losses, of their losses,” Austin said.

After Russian advances toward the key eastern city of Pokrovsk this fall, Ukraine’s defenses have held. Still, Ukraine is also taking heavy losses and has a much smaller population, making them harder to replace.

Sen. Jon Tester, D-Mont.

Tester’s reelection bid is one of the most closely watched races in the country because it could decide which party controls the Senate in 2025.

Democratic Party members currently have a one-seat advantage in the Senate but are expected to lose at least one spot due to the retirement of West Virginia Democrat Joe Manchin. If Tester loses, it could swing the majority to Republicans.

Recent polls have shown the 68-year-old incumbent trailing his Republican opponent, former Army Ranger Tim Sheehy. Tester, who has served in the Senate since 2007, had considered retirement before opting to run again this cycle.

Fewer vets will be on the November ballot for Congress this year

Tester serves as both the chairman of the Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee and chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee’s panel on defense issues. In both posts, he has been a top voice on military and veterans funding issues and was a prominent figure in advancing the sweeping PACT Act two years ago.

His departure would have significant ripple effects throughout the Senate Democratic caucus, given his committee roles and position as a moderate leader within the party.

Rep. Ken Calvert, R-Calif.

In 2022, Calvert won his reelection bid over Democrat Will Rollins by fewer than 11,000 votes, less than 5% of the total ballots cast in the race. The two will square off again this November, with polling showing an equally tight contest.

Redistricting by state officials for California’s 41st congressional district left Calvert with a less favorable election map two years ago than in his previous 14 election bids. Before 2022, Calvert — the longest-serving Republican member of California’s congressional delegation — had won each of his campaigns over the last decade by sizable margins.

Calvert serves as chairman of the House Appropriations Committee’s defense panel, leading debate on Defense Department funding issues. In recent years, that has included a number of social policy changes tacked onto spending bills, much to the chagrin of Democratic critics.

If he loses this cycle, it would not only mean the removal of his voice from Republican military budget debates, but it could also mean the end of the GOP majority in the House. Democratic candidates need only to pick up five seats in the chamber to gain a majority for 2025.

Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb.

Bacon is a four-term congressman with a reputation for bipartisanship and a military background. He served for 29 years in the Air Force, including a deployment to Iraq in 2007.

As a member of the House Armed Services Committee, he was tapped last year with leading the panel’s service member quality of life improvement efforts. That culminated in a lengthy report released earlier this year which called for better pay for junior troops and better support services for military families.

Some of those reforms were included in still-pending legislation before Congress this session. But other proposals are expected to be rolled into the annual defense authorization bill debate next spring.

Whether Bacon will be there to lead that debate remains to be seen. Polls have shown a close contest between him and Democratic challenger Tony Vargas. Similar to Calvert’s race, Bacon’s contest is seen as a critical win for Republicans if they hope to hold onto their majority in the House next year.

Absentee voting rules vary by state, with some states requiring voted absentee ballots to be returned by Election Day, while 19 states permit the counting of postmarked ballots after Election Day, according to The Associated Press.

Meanwhile, some states, like Nevada, allow absentee voters to do everything electronically. For instance, Nevada, which is a swing state, allows military absentee voters to use email, fax and the state’s online absentee voting system to register to vote, request their ballot and return their voted ballot all on Nov. 5. In Nevada, mailed voted ballots must be postmarked by Nov. 5, and received by the fourth day after the election.

Still, for voted ballot return, postal mail remains the only universally accepted method and the most common. States choose whether to allow Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, or UOCAVA, voters to return completed ballots electronically. Fax and email are the most common electronic options for ballot return. That federal law protects the right to vote for U.S. citizens living overseas and military members and their families living away from their voting jurisdiction.

If you’ve received your requested absentee ballot from your local election officials, mail it now or send it electronically if your state allows it.

Those who haven’t received their requested ballot from their local election jurisdiction should download the Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot, or FWAB, immediately from the Federal Voting Assistance Program site at FVAP.gov/FWAB, fill it out and mail it. It acts as a backup ballot; but if your official state ballot arrives after you mail the FWAB, fill that out and mail it, too. Your election officials will count only one ballot.

Some state election officials are beginning to report absentee ballots as Election Day nears. In Georgia, for example, state officials’ numbers indicate that more than 13,000 absentee ballots they’ve sent to military absentee voters and U.S. citizens living overseas have yet to be returned, state officials told Military Times.

About three-fourths of the 1.4 million active duty service members are eligible to vote by absentee ballot because they are stationed away from their voting residence, according to FVAP. In addition, their family members can vote by absentee ballot.

Your voting residence is within your state of legal residence or domicile. For service members, it is typically the same address listed on your Leave and Earnings Statement.

Over the years, FVAP, postal officials, lawmakers and local and state election officials have worked to shore up the processes for getting military and overseas citizen absentee ballots to local election officials in time to be counted.

One tool for voting military members and their family members living overseas is the free expedited mail service, using the Label 11-DOD at their military post office. This service also allows the voter to track the ballot to its delivery at their local election jurisdiction.

Information was not available from the U.S. Postal Service about how many ballots have been sent back to states using the Label 11-DOD, which is available this year from Sept. 1 through Nov. 30.

Information was unavailable from FVAP about the number of downloads of the FWAB backup ballots to date, or the number of Federal Post Card Application requests used for voter registration and ballot requests. A month ago, officials said on average, the numbers for those downloads were about 50% below what they were in late September 2020 during the last presidential election.

Likewise, the nonpartisan organization Overseas Vote, part of the U.S. Vote Foundation, also isn’t seeing an increase in these downloads, according to Susan Dzieduszycka-Suinat, president and CEO.

Each state or territory sets its own deadlines for voter registration and ballot return. To find information on your state’s deadlines and requirements, visit fvap.gov/military-voter. You can also find out whether your voted ballot has been received by your state, by clicking the “Check the status of your voted ballot” on that page. You can also visit your state’s secretary of state website for specifics.

Voting assistance offices at military installations also provide specific information about the voting process. The services also provide voting assistance officers at the unit level; if you can’t find assistance locally, you can contact your service branch voting action officer.

All states must offer UOCAVA voters an option for receiving their blank ballot electronically, while each state can determine the delivery method via email, fax or online portal.

States also choose the methods UOCAVA voters can use to submit their applications to register and request their ballot. Most offer some form of electronic voter registration and ballot request submission method, though a few states require postal mail.

Since 2000, the DOD has spent more than $15 trillion dollars and has an anticipated budget of more than $900 billion for fiscal 2025. The DOD is the world’s single-biggest purchaser of bulk fuel, the largest employer on the planet with 3.4 million combined civilian and service members, and one of the largest health care providers in the world. The institution manages $3.8 trillion in assets that includes a 26 million-acre real estate portfolio and over 4,800 sites that can be found in every U.S. state and over 160 countries. The DOD’s budget ranks it as the 20th largest GDP in the world, ahead of countries like Switzerland, Poland and Taiwan.

Despite the immense scale of economic complexity managed and notable efforts in recent years to become a more versatile and active market participant, there is still a critical component missing to help this financial colossus better understand and improve its business dealings in an era of great power competition: a chief economist.

The DOD benefits from specialized staff members at all levels, with expertise in acquisitions, finance, health care, policy, intelligence, information technology and engineering. There are even a number of professional economists supporting smaller offices, such as the Investments & Economic Analysis team under the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment (USD A&S), the Office of Commercial and Economic Analysis within the Air Force, and the Cost Assessment and Program Evaluation.

While most of these specialties are naturally reflected in the senior-most ranks of the department, the role of chief economist is noticeably absent among them. This absence is made even more prominent by the fact that various other federal agencies like the Department of State (DOS), Department of Agriculture (USDA) and even U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) all have a chief economist.

Although DOS, USDA and USAID manage only 4% of federal budgetary resources — compared to the DOD’s 14.7% — few would question their need for a chief economist when reflecting on some of their core responsibilities: DOS must understand the economic posture of countries around the world to monitor international conditions and negotiate balanced foreign policies; USDA must carefully watch resources and pricing dynamics to identify potential disruptions in critical food supply chains; and USAID must identify where aid-based interventions are necessary and assess how successful those interventions have proven to be. Meanwhile, the DOD must perform substantially similar duties (albeit in a different context) while also managing a much broader set of operational, technical, logistical, financial and administrative tasks to meet its strategic objectives.

Whether it’s highly specialized components destined for a $102 million F-35 fighter jet or a $13 billion Ford-class aircraft carrier, cloud servers that will form the backbone for JADC2, uniforms necessary to equip service members for duty, traditional materials like copper used to produce munitions or the scores of more exotic minerals deemed critical to defense needs, the DOD consumes vast amounts of goods both directly and indirectly. All of these goods are affected by complex interactions between energy production, commodity pricing, component manufacturing, systems integration, labor policies, FX fluctuations, inflationary pressures and any number of related economic variables. At scale and over time, such interactions can have a profound, compounding impact on the DOD’s ability to moderate its consumption of resources and maintain productive relationships with the vendors who provide them.

Tracking, analyzing and forecasting these economic dynamics takes on even greater importance in the face of an evolving definition for asymmetric warfare and under the pressure of time and cost overruns in Major Defense Acquisition Programs. Indeed, the DOD recently issued its first-ever National Defense Industrial Strategy, which includes the key priorities of building resilient supply chains, ensuring workforce readiness, establishing flexible acquisition processes and exercising economic deterrence against adversaries. The creation of a chief economist to work in coordination with other senior leaders like USD A&S and the comptroller is a logical next step toward implementing that strategy.

While the introduction of any new executive roles or organizational components should not be taken without thoughtful consideration of the long-term costs and bureaucratic implications, the relatively small action of creating an Office of the Chief Economist within the Office of the Secretary of Defense would, by definition, help the DOD spend more efficiently, manage resources more effectively and ultimately wield the full weight of its market power in a more productive manner. The opportunity gain produced can, in turn, have a truly positive and outsized impact from the DOD level down to service members and back to the American taxpayer.

As the saying goes, it’s common sense to care about dollars and cents.

David Rader is the former deputy director of Global Investment and Economic Security at the Department of Defense.

Adam Papa has extensive experience as a technology and national security professional, including experience as a deep-tech VC investor, NATO international staff member, McKinsey consultant, CFR term member and policy researcher at the Harvard Belfer Center.

“I didn’t think I was ever going to see him again,” Fletcher said.

Their relationship began in 2018 when Dasty, a 5-year-old male Dutch Shepherd, met Fletcher while he was stationed at Fort Huachuca in Cochise County, Arizona.

At first, it was all business, not unlike his previous two dogs. But soon, a camaraderie began developing and continued as they were both sent to complete the Patrol Explosive Detection Dog-Enhanced Course, which trains military dogs to work off-leash for up to a football field away from their handler.

As a result of the training, Dasty - with the help of an e-collar- could be instructed to sit and turn toward Fletcher by a tone emitted from the collar, at which point Fletcher would guide Dasty toward an area where he wanted Dasty to search for explosives.

Even as his bond with Dasty grew, the objective of their working relationship was never lost on Fletcher.

“The Army teaches you to look at them like tools, right, tools for war,” Fletcher said. “They even have serial numbers.”

The goal was to save lives, he said. If a military dog had to make the ultimate sacrifice, they would.

In 2019, Fletcher and Dasty deployed to Afghanistan as part of the 483rd Military Police Detachment, working as a route clearance enabler out of Forward Operating Base Shank in the Logar Province.

The deployment was difficult for Fletcher. His wife Johanna was pregnant with their first child at the time. He missed the birth.

Fletcher said it was a lonely stretch, but he leaned on Dasty for companionship and a sense of home, all of which helped Fletcher with his mental health. This, Fletcher said, brought them close together, closer than he’d ever been with previous dogs.

“It was a different connection,” Fletcher said.

Dasty was a pro on the battlefield. He located improvised explosive devices, saved lives, and when things got dicey, Dasty was unshakable.

Fletcher remembers Dasty standing stoically as bullets whizzed past them.

On another occasion, their vehicle rolled over. While Fletcher and his fellow service members were waiting for help, Dasty stood proudly on the window of the wrecked car, smiling as though nothing had happened.

But one of their most formative moments came on a scorching day

Fletcher was low on water but poured the last of it into a collapsible bowl for Dasty.

After he slurped it up, there was a small amount left.

Fletcher was thirsty and didn’t want to waste resources, so he drank the rest of the water, tasting Dasty’s slobber as he gulped it down.

“It was actually really delicious,” Fletcher said. “I know it sounds gross but that’s kind of like a bonding moment.”

Eventually, their time together ended, and in February 2022, Fletcher and Dasty parted ways.

Fletcher said he knew it was coming, since Fletcher was leaving the Army and Dasty was still in working shape.

Still, Fletcher said it was incredibly difficult.

He returned to the States and moved to Green Bay, Wisconsin, with his family, forging a new life.

But he kept tabs on his canine buddy, getting updates from a Dasty’s new handler, who was a friend of Fletcher’s.

Then, in 2024, Fletcher heard through the grapevine that Dasty was finally retiring.

Fletcher’s wife urged him to reach out to American Humane, an organization whose Military Working Dog Reunification Program reconnects retired military dogs with their previous handlers.

American Humane helped get the ball rolling and eventually, on Oct. 12, 2024, Dasty and Fletcher met for the first time in nearly two years.

“I was kind of nervous,” Fletcher said. “I didn’t know if he was going to be the same dog.”

Fletcher met a handler from American Humane and Dasty at an Airbnb in Green Bay, Wisconsin.

At first, Fletcher said Dasty was attached to the handler and paid little attention to him. But after the handler stepped away, Fletcher said they picked up right where they left off.

“I started giving him commands and that’s when it clicked,” Fletcher said. “That was pretty much it.”

Even though it was his same old friend, there were subtle differences, Fletcher said.

War had changed Dasty.

He was still the dog Fletcher had known, but he was also more skittish, his temperament more serious. He nipped sometimes. But the carefree, outgoing dog was underneath it all.

When Fletcher joined the Army in 2015, he never imagined he’d be a dog handler. Initially, he wanted to work as a Military Police, but when he was told that a Military Working Dog Handler position opened up - a rare occurrence, Fletcher said - he jumped at the opportunity.

He never knew he’d get a lifelong friend out of it.

Dasty is a full part of the Fletcher family now.

Fletcher says Dasty even recognizes Fletcher’s scent on his son, whose also grown close to the dog.

The two are inseparable, to the point that sometimes Dasty even annoys him, Fletcher said.

More than anything, Fletcher was excited to let Dasty kick his feet up and relax.

“Now he’s ready to be on our couch and get fat,” Fletcher said. “He did a lot of stuff.”

The Global Project on Hate and Extremism, a nonprofit that tracks extremist activity online, reported Tuesday that chatter of election denialism increased on Telegram, Gab, Communities.win and Fediverse — social media sites that lack moderation and allow users to share extreme and controversial viewpoints. Posts about election denialism, the false belief that elections are unfair and could be “stolen,” increased by 317% on Telegram and 105% on Gab throughout October, the nonprofit said.

The posts are often violent in nature. Some people on the platforms suggested if the election doesn’t go their way, the military should be used to prevent a peaceful transfer of power, while others called for the killing of elected officials and anyone accused of voter fraud. The Proud Boys, a far-right group that has historically recruited veterans, posted violent calls to action on Telegram. The Rhode Island chapter told members to “keep your rifles by your side” in one post viewed by Military Times.

The rhetoric differs from what extremism experts saw in 2020, when election denialism spiked after President Joe Biden was projected as the winner, rather than before the election.

“They are preparing themselves for the election to be stolen in a way they didn’t in 2020 – something we find concerning,” said Wendy Via, co-founder of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism. “If the election does not go the way the folks on these fringe sites want them to, we’re going to see another very sharp spike after the election, and we’re going to have to double-down on our tracking and monitoring.”

The Department of Homeland Security and Federal Bureau of Investigation released a joint bulletin earlier this month that warned of potential violence from domestic violent extremists before, during and after the election. Extremists who pose the greatest threat are those who believe claims of election fraud or harbor anger toward perceived political adversaries, the bulletin warns.

‘Toxic’ politics increase terrorism, extremism risk, DHS official says

The agencies wrote that extremists would likely target voting locations, ballot drop-boxes, voter registration locations, political rallies, campaign events and the offices of political parties.

In the weeks before the election, some of those warnings have become realities. An Arizona man was accused of shooting at a Democratic National Committee office Wednesday near Phoenix. On Monday, ballot boxes in Portland, Oregon, and Vancouver, Washington, were set on fire, and hundreds of ballots were destroyed.

Despite those incidents, Via and Heidi Beirich, the co-founders of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, said Tuesday they were more concerned about violence occurring after the election than in the days leading up to Nov. 5 or on Election Day itself.

Elections officials and law enforcement have had time to prepare for potential violence since the election in 2020, which saw unprecedented levels of threats against election workers, Via and Beirich said.

In addition, they argued that the prosecution of people who participated in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol could serve as a deterrent. Of the nearly 1,500 people charged or convicted for their involvement in the Capitol breach, 222 had military backgrounds, according to data from the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. About two dozen were associated with the Proud Boys.

Via and Beirich also cited the efforts of the nonprofit We the Veterans as a potential deterrent for violence at polling locations. As of Tuesday, the group had recruited more than 163,000 veterans and their family members to volunteer as poll workers. During a time when misinformation is eroding trust in U.S. elections, the nonprofit believes veterans are the key to quashing skepticism and restoring confidence.

Vet the Vote recruits nearly 160,000 veterans as election workers

Still, Via and Beirich said they are concerned about the potential for violence after Nov. 5. If it’s a close race and takes days to project a winner, emotions will be heightened, Via said. So far, national polls have projected a neck-and-neck race, and election experts do not expect a winner to be announced on Election Day.

On a call with reporters last week, former Pennsylvania Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar said the swing state’s ballots would likely be counted sometime the day after Election Day, but it could take weeks if the race is close enough to trigger a recount.

“There are so many variables that are going to happen between now and the days after the election. Tracking extremist groups, analyzing the data — it’s about being prepared and understanding the potential threat,” Via said. “But don’t let fear and intimidation keep you from exercising your right. People need to be prepared and cautious, but not afraid.”

This story was produced in partnership with Military Veterans in Journalism. Please send tips to MVJ-Tips@militarytimes.com.

“By nearly every metric, VA is smashing records that we had set last year,” VA Secretary Denis McDonough said during his annual pre-Veterans Day report on department progress at the National Press Club in Washington. “That means even more care, even more benefits to even more veterans.”

On the medical front, VA saw its highest level of health care appointments ever in fiscal 2024: about 127.5 million, up 6% over the previous fiscal year.

Some of that was driven by the 2022 adoption of the PACT Act, which eased eligibility for medical care and disability benefits for a host of military toxic exposure issues. More than 796,000 veterans have enrolled in VA health care in the last two fiscal years, up 37% from the previous 24 months.

VP Harris backs plan to provide medical care for military PFAS victims

On the benefits side, the department processed 2.5 million disability benefit claims in fiscal 2024, a 27% increase over fiscal 2023. Roughly 6.7 million veterans and survivors received $187 billion in benefits last year, another department record.

Officials also saw increases in the number of dental care appointments (6 million, up 9% over fiscal 2023), calls fielded by the Veterans Crisis Line (1.1 million, up 12% from fiscal 2023) and caregiver assistance services (88,095, up 19% from fiscal 2023).

McDonough said the high level of activity points to success in aggressive outreach efforts by the department in recent years and helps justify the growing size of the VA workforce, which topped 450,000 workers last fiscal year.

But he also said department leaders are still committed to doing more. On Tuesday, he unveiled that VA planners have started the rulemaking process to establish bladder cancer and other genitourinary tract cancers as presumptive illnesses for troops stationed at Karshi-Khanabad Air Base in Uzbekistan.

That group — more commonly known as K2 veterans — were exposed to a host of contaminants including jet fuel and lead paints during their deployments. About 12,000 of the 16,00 troops known to have served there are already enrolled in VA health care.

VA has already granted presumptive condition status for several other illnesses related to base contamination. That move makes it easier for veterans to apply for and receive disability benefits, eliminating paperwork requiring proof of a link between military service and sicknesses later.

He also promised more news soon on efforts to make leukemias and multiple myeloma a presumptive condition for troops exposed to burn pit smoke in Iraq, Afghanistan and other locations around the world.

“We’re a new VA, one that works with veterans, and one that delivers outcomes for veterans,” McDonough vowed. “We will no longer take decades to consider new presumptive conditions, but will instead use the tools provided by the PACT Act to move as quickly as possible.”

The rapid expansion of services and benefits to veterans has drawn both praise and concern from lawmakers in recent months, with some questioning if VA can keep pace with their public promises.

VA officials have said they are already about $12 billion short of funding they need for fiscal 2025 to keep pace with the increase in demand from veterans and survivors. Lawmakers are expected to consider a funding boost when they return from their legislative break next month.

The bellowing narrative establishes a familiar aggressive tone in the Marine Corps’ newest ad, one that comes amid the military’s usual slew of philosophical shifts driving the rest of the Pentagon’s (oftentimes unpredictable) recruiting efforts.

In their latest creation, the service’s marketing team, which settled on the theme of answering the warrior’s call, once again answered a specific call of a clamoring public: Just keep it simple.

The ad’s fleeting scenes feature Marines fast-roping from a helicopter into hostile jungle environs, advancing through arctic terrain as gunfire erupts, carrying out night operations and providing humanitarian aid.

Note for prospective recruits: You are unlikely to be spinning antiquated rifles alongside the Silent Drill Platoon on a ship’s flight deck in the middle of the ocean.

Marine Corps advertisements have come a long way since the halcyon marketing days of balrog slaying, medieval chessboard knights and the service’s dearth of rose garden-based promises.

But immense CGI improvements aside, the sentiment at the core of the Corps’ campaigns has remained remarkably consistent: the Marine Corps wants elite fighters.

It’s the same approach — toughened exclusivity — the service has employed since long before the war-hardened Maj. Benson Winifred Payne quipped, “Killin’ is my business, ladies, and business is good!”

“You’ll have to earn your place among us,” the narrator says at the ad’s conclusion. “Because you don’t join the Marines — you become one.”

Dan Daly. Smedley Butler. Chesty Puller. John Basilone. ‘Rah.